Opinion: One of us was tortured for fighting a dictator. One was fired for whistling at Donald Trump

[ad_1]

Alexander was a whistleblower. He sacrificed his military career when he reported former President Donald Trump’s threats to withhold support from Ukraine if Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky did not help him dig dirt into the Bidens.

Andrei is a dissident. He resigned from the Belarusian government in 1996 in protest against the rising authoritarianism of President Alexander Lukashenko. In 2010, he dared to run against Lukashenko for President of Belarus.

From our experiences, we have learned that when it comes to defending democracy, whistleblowers can pay with their careers, but dissidents often pay with their lives.

In Alexander’s case, the independent media sought the truth and Congress called him to testify. Although he suffered professional consequences, the government never imprisoned or threatened his life. In Andrei’s case, Lukashenko imprisoned him and tortured him. He was beaten, refused medical care and forced to commit suicide. Andrei was only released after more than a year in prison when coordinated sanctions from the EU and US turned out to be too large for Lukashenko’s regime. (Although Lukashenko did not comment on Andrei’s case, in a 2012 interview in which he declared himself a dictator, he denied claims of handling political prisoners.)

While whistleblowers and dissidents play a critical role as truth seekers within society, our stories reveal the deceptive reality that we cannot make change without additional support. In other words, whistleblowers and dissidents can act as catalysts for change, but it is the wider public that can change the course of history.

In the US, that knowledge and belief is slowly flowing. In moments of widespread indigenous mobilization and public outcry – including the Black Lives Matter protests, the March for Our Lives protests, the Women’s March protests, as well as the historic voting of voters during 2018 midterm elections and 2020 presidential election – created by the public to push for systematic reforms in American democracy. An important fact to keep in mind in this discussion is that these democratic demonstrations in the US are much more peaceful. Protesters and grassroots organizations in the U.S. are generally not forcibly repressed, and movements are allowed to thrive in an organic way. Like Alexander, people in general can speak out against injustice without fear of a government crackdown.

It has become a critical element of the ongoing resistance to anti-democratic forces, as well as a key feature of the American system, which has become flexible and resilient in responding to people’s wishes during turbulent times.

But the risk of political dizziness following the departure of former President Donald Trump is not something that should be removed. Trump has huge influence in the Republican Party – and there is no doubt that Trumpism will be on the ballot during the 2022 midterm elections.

Pleasure in America has both short -term and long -term consequences. While in the short term, some “Big Lie” advocates may win elected office, the big risk lies in long -term trends – particularly the replacement of more traditional politicians by Trumpian populists and conspiracy theorists.

Three years from now, Trump could be the Republican nominee in the 2024 presidential election, attacking another imminent election defeat. But this time he could have the support of enough Republican state officials following his requests to dismiss the unfavorable election results.

We cannot simply address these issues once they have become a reality, as happened during the influx of civil activism under the Trump presidency. We must be proactive in curbing authoritarianism today.

In Belarus, by contrast, the most brutal form of authoritarianism is a fact of life. Protests are met with violence. Under the repressive Lukashenko regime, the last traces of democratic institutions within civil society are removed, and the opposition is actively suppressed. Like Andrei, hundreds of thousands of Belarusians protested for an end to the Lukashenko regime’s abusive authorities and a turn towards democracy. But their courage and sacrifice were not enough. The protesters have been under maximum pressure for years and need more external support to be successful. Western governments have the tools and resources to exert increased pressure on Lukashenko and his officials. These governments could increase the costs of Lukashenko’s repression by tightening restrictions on the regime’s ability to abuse Interpol, imposing additional sanctions, enhancing Global Magnitsky’s sanctions for human rights violations or targeting oligarchs whose corruption networks support the Kremlin, and by proxy, the Belarusian dictatorship. While it is not enough in its own force to force Lukashenko to negotiate with the opposition, it will show solidarity with the pro-democratic forces while indicating that Lukashenko’s regime will face consequences if they act with impunity. . Some, such as the European Council, say changes in Belarus need to come from within. But the push for change in Belarus comes from within. In order to actually carry out democratic reforms, Belarusians will require the collective action of other Western countries committed to the values ​​and principles of fundamental human rights and freedoms. stage as defender, sponsor and advocate of democracy. It can play a critical role in strengthening Belarusian civil society by providing material and ideological support to the pro-democracy elements of the country.

Given the current situation in Belarus, a prudent approach can provide financial, rhetorical, and organizational support to the leaders of the democratic movement across the country’s borders. Critical figures, such as Andrei, and organizations continue to strengthen and empower Belarusian civil society, even in exile. They facilitate a platform for the Belarusian opposition that provides hope for the future and offers a democratic alternative to the illegitimate Lukashenko regime.

It is dangerous and irresponsible to believe that the US can remove its duties as leader of the free world without consequence in regions of the world where democracy still finds it difficult to establish a foundation. Belarusians, along with countless other people, look to the US to set an example and represent a perfectly deserved effort. American values ​​and interests demand the defense of democracy both inside and outside the country.

Although the US and Belarus are separate, the Belarus experience offers a frightening window into a world without fundamental freedoms. Believe us when we say, American democracy is worth defending, lest it be like something closer to Belarus.

[ad_2]