Beyond the news: Has he read narrators from the Sidhu Punjab playbook in Uttarakhand? | India latest news

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Survey-restricted Uttarakhand is the new epicenter of the earthquake-prone earthquake in Congress. Swinging at the party’s prom was the ex-Prime Minister, Harish Rawat, a former AICC points person in Punjab who allowed Navjot Sidhu to roam his way against Captain Amarinder Singh. The result: Singh rolled out his party, joining the BJP in the upcoming elections.

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In a series of emotional tweets directed at Central Command and its state envoys, Rawat appeared to take a paper from Siddhu’s book on how to twist a weak upper command arm. The inspiration is clearly that the former cricketer is showing himself as the actual cricketer, at the expense of the de jure appointee, Charanjit Singh Chani.

The party in Punjab had to give in to Sidhu’s choices in appointing the Solicitor General and Chief of Police. Her commitment to silence is also evident in his comments after the public killing of suspects in recent cases of alleged sacrilege, in which he called for the hanging of those who publicly commit sacrilege.

Concerned about keeping Seydoux in the party fold, the Central Command ignored his unquenchable and rebellious ways. The dangerous precedent they set in the process caused an almost complete weakening of the party order. No wonder, then, that Rawat, the ruler of Punjab, strives to be just as bold in Uttarakhand.

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But why is he upset? From what one learns, his bed is no different from that of Sidhu. They both want to be announced as the face of CM in the lead-up to the poll. To do so in Punjab would be suicidal, as the incumbent is a Dalit whose promotion to Congress brought him the oomph he needed among 32% of the scheduled caste voters.

Another conflict, which may soon be overtaken, has to do with the selection of candidates. Their common quest to be CM can only be achieved through majority support in the new legislative parties. The exercises will be like an eggshell walk in Punjab with multiple factions in Congress led by Sidhu, Chani, Home Minister Sukhinder Randhawa and top leaders Pratap Bajwa and Sunil Jakkar.

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In relative terms, ticket distribution could be simpler in Uttarakhand which currently has two factions, one led by Rawat and the other led by Congress Legislative Party Leader Pritam Singh. There is resistance from these groups – which hold a large share of the seats – to the return of members of Congress who defected from the BJP after the disaster of 2017.

In those polls, Congress took Rawat at the helm, and considered him the electorate’s choice: “Subki Shah Harish Rawat.” Result: He failed to enter the council from the two seats of Keisha and Haridwar of the villagers he contested. The Congressional tally fell from 31 to 11 in the 70th house.

The congressional finale was a repeat of the BJP defeat types in 2012 when the electors delivered the latter’s ‘Khanduri Hai Zarori’ speech, defeating the party and Honorable former Union Minister BC Khandori in the constituency from which he fought. The Congress won without naming its president, opening the doors after the election for Vijay Bahuguna, who Rawat later replaced in the coveted office.

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Superstitious as it sounds, such past experiences, including the late ND Tiwari’s failed 2007 bid as a CM candidate for Congress, make many unaligned leaders want the party to fray without naming anyone as CM. However, opinions are divided about Rawat’s barely subtle response to accepting party deserters after 2017. Former congressmen include Vijay Bahuguna, Harak Singh Rawat, Satpal Maharaj and Yashpal Arya. Since then he has only returned his last name.

Rawat’s refusal that those who left the party should pay for the Mahabab (sin), was met with a vitriolic refutation of Harak Singh, his black house of many years. The former prime minister sarcastically reminded him that people punished him in 2017 when he couldn’t win either of the two seats he contested.

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To be fair, Rawat could have had good reasons for publicizing his grievances. Often appointed members of Congress tend to favor or obediently follow the directions of the upper echelon without regard for the downsides. Ironically, this happened at Rawat’s hour in Punjab. The shoe is now on the other foot.

What is incalculable is whether Rawat will be reined in or allowed to replicate Punjab in the mountainous state – where the odds of Congressional polls are ranked higher.

For starters, he was appeased rather than disciplined by his appointment as the Chairman of the Congressional Campaign Committee after Friday’s meeting with Rahul Gandhi. Keep in mind that with the help of which he was able to manage earlier in the middle of the Punjab crisis by appointing his man Ganesh Gudial as head of unit in the state of Congress, one would be inclined to conclude that Rawat is the Congress of his state.

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