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Moran is not alone. Another supporter of the framework, Senator Mike Rounds (RS.D), said he is currently not 100% committed to voting for the bipartisan plan.
“We don’t know what’s in it yet,” Rounds said. “I am positively impressed with what has been accomplished, but we will wait and look at the last thing. So there is still a lot of negotiations going on.”
The comments of these two tech-supportive Republicans make clear that after a two-week recess, GOP support for the cross-aisle deal with President Joe Biden is waning. The bipartisan infrastructure deal that five Republican senators helped sell to Biden is under intense scrutiny from the right, testing the support of GOP centrists who will be critical to bypassing the bill’s guaranteed blockage.
The core of support from five senators who negotiated the deal directly with Democrats and the White House is strong: Mitt Romney of Utah, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Susan Collins of Maine, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, and Rob Portman of Ohio. A second group of Republican senators who support this concept will be critical to actually passing the law.
They include Senators Moran and Rounds and Tom Telles of North Carolina, Todd Young of Indiana, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Richard Burr of North Carolina. Many of them are close to minority leader Mitch McConnell, who is undecided and could help drown her out.
“The details are going to matter. I think a lot of our members will consider: How credible are the payments, how big is that?” said Senate Minority Whip John Thune. “For our members, it’s really going to come down to whether it’s all related to debt.”
As a group of moderates in both parties draft the nearly trillion-dollar legislation, conservatives are bombarding it with attacks for using the increased enforcement of the IRS as a funding mechanism. And as the bipartisan framework becomes more realistic before the Senate vote as soon as next week, more Republicans are growing publicly concerned that it will clear the way for trillions more in spending on liberal priorities and tax increases.
And many Republicans say the bill’s funding regime, which also includes infrastructure privatization, unused coronavirus aid and residual unemployment benefits, could end up doing poorly with the Congressional Budget Office. Once the bill is drafted, the CBO will calculate the projected cost and revenue for the bill — and many in the Republican Party believe the mix of money for new spending will end up working.
Senator Shelley Moore Capito (RW.Va.), who has tried and failed to strike a separate infrastructure deal with Biden, said the bill’s finances are a “big question.” Senator John Cornyn (R-Texas) said the bill’s financing mechanisms are “essential” to gain his support.
“There is a big hole to be filled, and what I have seen so far does not indicate that they filled it,” Cornyn said.
Despite high hopes for the legislative text to be finalized this week and a possible vote in the week of July 19, drafting of the bill is likely to begin next week.
In addition to policy concerns, former President Donald Trump has repeatedly attacked the deal and the Republican senators behind it — many of whom have voted to convict him in his impeachment trial — accusing them of being “manipulated and used by” Democrats. At least 10 Republicans will have to support the deal despite Trump’s objections. Moran, who will be re-elected next year and has Trump’s endorsement, said he was not aware of Trump’s opposition.
Republican Senator Kevin Cramer said Trump’s criticism of Republican senators was “somewhat misplaced”.
The feeling I got from his messages was that she was targeting Mitch to some degree, [and] Calling Republican senators weak for signing it, Kramer said.
Despite Trump’s attack on McConnell, Democrats suspect that the Republican leader is actually seeking to derail their plans, especially after he said he is focused entirely on standing up to Biden’s agenda. McConnell said last week there was a “good chance” that the bill would pass bipartisan, but said it had to be “reliably paid for.”
If McConnell pulls his party out of those talks, that will force Democrats to move their entire agenda through a budget compromise. Portman provided leadership with an update on the status of the bill during Monday’s closed-door leadership meeting, according to an attendee.
“This is really the test, whether they keep going,” said Senate Majority Webb Dick Durbin of his fellow Republicans.
Durbin said that despite his fellow Republicans’ cries about Democrats’ plans to pass the rest of Biden’s agenda without the GOP, this is a “fair” course to take. Republicans have tried to use budget compromise twice during Trump’s presidency, successfully cutting taxes and unsuccessful in repealing Obamacare in 2017.
Moran doesn’t see it that way. He joined in a bipartisan effort in part to weaken Democrats’ efforts to pass the partisan spending bill. He is ready to leave if it comes to that.
“I want to be involved and be involved in this effort, but I’m still troubled by … the remarks of Speaker (Nancy) Pelosi,” Moran said. “It doesn’t seem like the correct negotiating tactic is to say: I will support a bipartisan plan only as long as I get a vote on everything I want.”
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