Superficial democracy to blame for military coups in West Africa

[ad_1]

By THE CONVERSATION

By Temitope J. Laniran

West Africa has seen coups and military takeovers in three countries in 2022.

Like those of the past, they came with the promise of a rapid return to civilian rule once socio-economic and political challenges were overcome. Challenges are generally listed as inept governance, corruption, rising insecurity and popular uprisings amid economic difficulties.

One view of governance on the African continent is that liberal democracy has spread since the 2000s, ending dictatorships. Most African countries, it is claimed, have multi-party democracies with elected governments.

My personal opinion is that a mere introduction of electoral democracy is not enough. A strong democracy needs strong institutions to build resilience in the face of fragility. Poverty and insecurity are a sign of fragility. They show that institutions do not distribute wealth efficiently. Civil status is threatened as long as institutions remain fragile.

In my opinion, based on my research, it is that the inability of civilian governments to improve living conditions, provide leadership and protect citizens is a major threat to democracy in the western sub-region. -African.

The army never left

The military continues to wield enormous influence over the governance of the region. Citizens do not seem willing or able to challenge this.

In Nigeria, for example, since the return to civilian rule in 1999, former military generals have largely ruled the country. By the end of the current regime in May 2023, former military rulers will also have been civilian presidents for 16 of the 24 years of civilian rule.

Similarly, in Sierra Leone, the former military head of state, Brigadier Maada Bio, returned as elected civilian president in 2018.

Search for approval

Election periods in these countries see frequent trips by candidates to the homes of former military or autocratic rulers, seeking their approval.

One example is Gambian President Adama Barrow’s decision to form an alliance with hitherto inflexible dictator Yahya Jammeh. Jammeh ruled the country for 22 years, beginning with a coup in 1994, and held on to power through relentless human rights abuses.

Barrow gave Jammeh a soft landing before reneging on his resignation and handover agreement. He now relies on the support of the old order to stay in power, knowing that his popularity with the people has waned.

A toothless regional bloc

The return of civilian rule in Nigeria in 1999 marked the beginning of a sense of the end of military coups and autocratic rule in the region.

Olusegun Obasanjo’s presidency and the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) have been diplomatically active against military coups. But more recently, it appears that the regional bloc is relatively weak and that individual countries face economic, social, political and security problems.

Citizens are unhappy with multilateral institutions such as ECOWAS and the African Union. These bodies may be quick to condemn military coups, but they are slow to express concern over poor governance, such as changing constitutions for regime survival.

Growing dissatisfaction

Governments have not kept the promises that got them elected. This failure led to growing dissatisfaction and the search for alternatives. In some cases, citizens welcome the military, as evidenced by Burkina Faso.

Common to most military coups in the subregion is the failure of civilian regimes to deliver on their promises. The rise of insecurity and the deterioration of living conditions remain the fate of the populations. These factors served as incubators for the return of the military.

Over the past 24 months, the governments of Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso have been toppled in quick succession.

In Mali, outrage over the ineffective leadership of former President Ibrahim Keitas in the face of rising insecurity and corruption led to his ousting.

In Guinea, the attempt to stay in power by changing the constitution, despite rising inequality, corruption, gross underperformance and human rights abuses, led to the ousting of President Alpha Condé.

In Burkina Faso, civilian President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré has been removed from office due to increased internal displacement, widespread poverty, inequality and insecurity. The security forces were also unhappy with his inability to adequately support them against militants linked to al-Qaeda and Islamic State.

Not necessarily good governance

Although the region has made some progress in its efforts to spread democracy, it remains superficial. Its dividends, in the form of good governance, remain elusive.

Periodic elections are held, which legitimizes civilians in power. But the essential fundamentals that promote democracy are missing:

informed and active participationseparation of powersrespect for the rule of lawfundamental human rightsaccountability

As insecurity increases and living conditions deteriorate, will the region see more military takeovers?

Democracy seems to have taken hold in some parts of the region, such as Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. Others still have work to do to bring the military back to the barracks for good.

Even the governments of fairly stable nations cannot afford to be complacent. They will have to step up their efforts to deliver the dividends of democracy, if they are to avoid civil unrest or military incursions.

Future of democracy in the region

Nigeria still exhibits religious and ethnic fault lines, as well as abuse of privileges by elites over the rest of the citizens.

The failure to protect the lives, property and rights of citizens has fueled the EndSARS protest, which is rapidly crystallizing into a social movement that could make a strong political statement in the February 2023 elections.

In Ghana, local pressure groups have staged street protests amid growing anxiety over the country’s economic conditions and mounting allegations of corruption and government lethargy.

The future of democracy in the region will depend on the level of development of democratic institutions, the level of military sophistication and professionalism, the level of literacy and the presence of a large elite class that is not interested .

Elected civilians must respect their social contracts with citizens. Citizens need to feel better with civilians in power.

Nepotism, corruption, outright theft of public funds, and constitutional manipulation create grounds for military coups.

Temitope J. Laniran is a research associate at the University of Bradford

[ad_2]