Saga of captured black soldiers highlights racism in Israel

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Saga of captured black soldiers highlights racism in Israel

Relatives of Hisham Al-Sayed (CR) and Avera Mengistu (CL), two Israelis detained by Hamas in Gaza in 2014. (AFP/File)

The words How long will I be in captivity? After so many years, where are the State and the people of Israel? were spoken, in Hebrew, by a person believed to be Avera Mengistu, an Ethiopian-born Israeli soldier who was captured in Gaza in 2014. Footage released last week shows Mengistu looking nervous but also somewhat defiantly and calling on his compatriots to end his nine-year incarceration, mostly ended speculation in Israel about whether the soldier was alive or dead. in 2011, which saw the release of Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit in exchange for more than 1,000 Palestinian prisoners. The main target audience for Hamas’ message was the new government and, in particular, the new military leadership. Israel now has a new army chief, Major General Herzi Halevi, who replaced Aviv Kochavi. The latter seemed disinterested in the cause of Mengistus, while the new leader arrives with lofty promises to unite the country behind his army and open a new page where the army is no longer involved in day-to-day politics. It may seem that Hamas and other groups in Gaza are in a much stronger position than they were during the Shalit captivity between 2006 and 2011. Not only are they militarily stronger but, instead of capture a single Israeli, they have four: apart from Mengistu, they also have Hisham Al-Sayed and what is believed to be the remains of two other soldiers, Hadar Goldin and Oron Shaul. But this is where the story gets particularly complicated. Unlike Shalit, who is white and holds dual French-Israeli citizenship, Mengistu is an Ethiopian Jew and Al-Sayed a Bedouin. Racism based on color and ethnicity is widespread in Israel. Although no Israeli official will openly admit it, the country is in no rush to rescue two men who are not members of the dominant Ashkenazi group, or even of the socially less privileged Sephardi or Mizrahi denominations. Black Jews and Bedouins have always been placed at the bottom of Israel’s socio-economic indicators. In 2011, The Jerusalem Post shared figures from a disturbing report, which put poverty among the children of Ethiopian immigrants at 65%. This figure is particularly staggering compared to the overall poverty rate in Israel, which was 21% in 2021. Things have not improved much since then. The Israeli Justice Ministry’s annual report on racism complaints shows that 24% of all complaints are filed by Ethiopians. This racism covers most aspects of public life, from education to services, to policing and abuse. Even enlisting in Israel’s most revered military institution is enough to change the standing of Ethiopians in Israeli society.

The country is in no rush to save two men who are not members of the dominant Ashkenazi group.

Ramzy Baroud

The famous story of Demas Fikadey is a good example. In 2015, aged just 21, the Ethiopian soldier was severely beaten by two Israeli policemen in a suburb of Tel Aviv for no reason. The entire episode was filmed, resulting in mass protests and even violent clashes. For Ethiopian Jews, the humiliation and violence inflicted on Fikadey was a representation of years of suffering, racism and discrimination. Many believe that the governments’ lackluster response to the protracted saga of Mengistus is directly related to the fact that he is black. asylum seekers, which often leads to forced deportation after humiliating treatment, is well known. Amnesty International described this in a 2018 report as a cruel and misguided abdication of responsibility. Israeli army official Col. Moshe Tal was outspoken in a recent national radio interview when he said that Mengistu and Al-Sayed were a low priority for the public in because of their race, Haaretz reported. If we were talking about two other citizens of other backgrounds and socioeconomic status, the interest amount would be different, Tal said. Unlike Shalits’ story, the government’s attention to the case (and) the pulse of the media is close to zero, he added. Most of them are immigrants or descendants of immigrants who arrived in Israel between 1980 and 1992. Although still known as Falasha, in more polite company, Ethiopian Jews are now blessed with a more worthy name: Beta Israel or House of Israel. Superficial language alterations aside, their struggle is evident in everyday Israel. Mengistu’s fate, as expressed in his own question Where are the state and people of Israel? encapsulates the sense of collective loss and alienation that this community has felt for nearly two generations. little knew that discrimination awaited them, even in the so-called land of milk and honey. They most likely also knew little about the plight of the Palestinians, the native inhabitants of this historic land, victims of terrible violence, racism and more. Palestinians know well why Israel did little to free the black soldier, while Mengistu and his Ethiopian community also understand how important race is in Israeli politics. Although a prisoner exchange could potentially free Mengistu and an undetermined number of Palestinian prisoners held in Israel, the suffering of Palestinians at the hands of Israel and the discrimination against Ethiopian Jews will continue for much longer. As Palestinians resist Israeli military occupation and apartheid, Ethiopian Jews should mount their own resistance for more rights. Their resistance must be based on the understanding that Palestinians and Arabs are not enemies but potential allies in a common struggle against racism, apartheid and socio-economic marginalization.

Ramzy Baroud has been writing about the Middle East for over 20 years. He is an international columnist, media consultant, author of several books and founder of PalestineChronicle.com.Twitter: @RamzyBaroud

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed by the authors in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Arab News

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