Prompts: An Endless Trump Epic (DAVID NEESE COLUMN) Opinion

Nothing frightens the sacred beekeepers more than the hysterical ones against Trump more than this terrible thought: What if this mouthful is right on important, fundamental issues?

This rudimentary question is what has always led to the Democratic Party’s unhealthy obsession with Trump. This is what the party has delivered in the arms of public reprimands such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib and Maxine Waters.

Long before he entered politics, the hot, boastful Trump made the right gestures and the knowledge of liberalism – the well-meaning and the well-known – overwhelmed with embarrassing discomfort at their inability to do anything.

This goes all the way to the Central Park rink.

Do you remember this story?

The rink was weakening at a disadvantage for six years under Gotham’s party, the progressive municipal government from wall to wall. Meanwhile, the rink renovation budget was dismantled without even overturning a ritual shovel.

Join the arrogant, bombing Trump. He stated that if it is imposed on him, he will renovate and reopen the ice rink.

Mayor Ed Koch eventually took him on the challenge, perhaps betting that Trump would fall and eventually close. But Trump surrendered. In six months. And below budget.

The highly sophisticated progressive Biennial Gothic and well-known Gothic charms are all fascinated together.

But that was in 1986, when Trump was not yet considered a “creepy” threatening Republican.

His political donations in those days, in the hundreds of thousands, flowed to the Democrats. Supporters like Chuck Sumer, Hillary Clinton, Andrew Cuomo, John Kerry, Joe Biden and, yes, even Camilla Harris in California.

There was no buzz in the party in those days that Trump’s favorite book was Mein Kampf and that the treacherous programmer had merged with Vladimir Putin’s federal “Naya Sluzhba Bezopasnosti.”

Note that Schumer et al. they have never discussed so much the possibility of returning the wrong political profit from where it came from. Interestingly, that would be a tidy sum, given that Trump gave $ 366,150 to state and local candidates and $ 328,000 to federal Democratic candidates before 2015.

Today, Trump is desperate to keep himself in the news. But fortunately for him he is not as desperate as the Democrats to keep him there.

Leaks from the jury, transparent politicized tax indictments of Trump’s business associates, horrific rumors of Trump’s betrayal and anonymous, daily reports that Trump is finally on the verge of walking for the miserable, unspeakable abuses poured out by him. the ladies of The View, the Washington Post, the New York Times, the New Yorker and the Atlantic, not to mention the tax-subsidized districts of PBS and academia.

Trump seems to be the big deal he has always tirelessly promoted. It is equally vital for progressive installation, as access to oil deposits is vital for Exxon Mobil.

Trump, by himself, is an economic stimulus necessary for the troubled cable television industry.

He has money in the bank for Fox and the general public of Deplorables. And this is the oxygen tube that keeps CNN from scoring, precariously attached to life.

There seems to be a fear among progressives that without Trump they will shrink and die. And that can not be a completely irrational fear. Having an easy-to-use boogeyman to arouse fear and anger in your party ranks is essential to electoral success.

After trimming the noses of New York’s liberal elite with the ice rink, Trump took the lead by turning his presidential clown into an unlikely electoral triumph, making a mockery of the stern predictions that he deserved humiliation.

The enthusiasm of the more liberal elites during Trump’s presidency was that, as soon as it became apparent, the terrible warnings of a cataclysm – of world war and the economic collapse of hell on earth – seemed too much nonsense.

Instead of provoking the stupid rogue who rules North Korea and sparking a nuclear exchange, as he feared, Trump staged a historic, paralyzing affair with him.

Instead of extending the Bush and Obama idiots’ intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan, Trump pushed for a withdrawal from those missiles.

Despised as the bullfight of diplomacy, Trump called on NATO’s prosperous nations to bite more for their own defense. This caused the progressives to shout and hold their pearls. But even the old Democrats wondered aloud, | “Hi, could that be a bad idea?”

Democrats who voted during his election stressed that Trump’s selfish personality and dictatorial aspirations marked the final suspension of the rights bill, starting from the top with the guarantee of the first amendment to freedom of speech.

But as the media, academia, the Hollywood-New York entertainment hub, the Big Tech oligarchy and the established political monopolies of the big cities opened the gates to a flood of exaggerated, anti-Trump eradication, the repression by a Trump dictatorship far less threatening, even comical.

Much more troubling to the progressive vanguard was what happened to the economy after Trump came to power. Until the pandemic, it flourished enough. And that was absolutely scary.

If the economy could grow under a smuggler like Trump, then who needs the liberal elite to grasp the nuances and issue complex regulatory schemes for the supposed good of proletarian fighters?

Trump’s tariffs in China have sparked dire warnings of a devastating global trade war. In fact, trade with other nations has grown, and America’s overall trade gap has actually widened under Trump. However, the bilateral trade gap with China has narrowed significantly, from over $ 400 billion in 2018 to less than $ 300 billion in 2020.

Nor did domestic economic data, as widely predicted and eagerly awaited, cause a collapse when Trump took office.

The United States, for the first time in decades, has gained a measure of energy independence.

In terms of economic growth, the first three years of Trump – before the pandemic – were a non-spectacular but respectable 2.3%, 3% and 2.2%. This was comparable to the last three years of President Obama, 2.5%, 3.1% and 1.7%.

Unemployment under Trump – in the three years before the pandemic shut down the economy – was 4 percent, 4 percent and 3.5 percent (including historically low for African Americans and Latinos).

For the last three years of Obama, unemployment was 5.7, 4.8 and 4.7.

In short, no revelation, no catastrophe, no catastrophe under Trump, as predicted with confidence and loudness.

Of course, it can be argued, and often is, that Trump had nothing to do with these statistics.

And maybe he didn’t.

But if not, the data show that, at least, Trump did not bring the much-anticipated financial disaster to the pages of the New York Times and the Washington Post.

Again, the data raised the frightening prospect that the work of the progressives may be superfluous – that the economy could be okay even under a president, without the authoritarian contribution of the liberal elites.

This is a scary thought for progressives. Trump must be irritated to clear the worrying thought from one’s mind.

Trump has his arbitrary, enthusiastic supporters, but they are probably not enough to win a return to the White House, even in a snap election.

The relentless attacks on him – and his tedious, prolonged welcome in the spotlight – certainly bent down and took off his glowing, glamorous brand.

The White House may be beyond Trump’s perception, but – strangely – it seems that both parties need the man.

The Democratic Party needs him as a bete noire to scare a large turnout. And the Republican Party needs him because – given Whig’s status as an irrelevant political force – who else has the GOP?

The question is, will Trump continue to host the Democrats, refusing to give his place at the center stage to a less divisive, more eligible Republican figure, assuming he could be found?

Given his brand new ego and central role in both sides’ calculations, Trump seems destined to remain a daily news base for a long time.