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WASHINGTON — If all goes as planned, the Treasury will begin making a series of monthly payments in the coming days for families with children, marking a milestone in social policy and intensifying the debate over whether benefits should be made a permanent part of the American safety net.
With all but the wealthiest families eligible to receive up to $300 per month per child, the United States will join many other wealthy countries providing a guaranteed income for children, a goal that has long been moved by progressives. Experts estimate that the payments will cut child poverty by nearly half, an unprecedented feat.
But the program, created as part of the stimulus bill Democrats passed on the united Republican opposition in March, expires within a year, and its introduction could help or hinder President Biden’s pledge to extend it.
Immediate challenges loom. The government is unsure how to get the payments to millions of hard-to-reach families, a problem that could undermine its anti-poverty goals. Opponents of this effort will watch for connection glitches, examples of waste, or signs that money is eroding some parents’ desire to work.
While the government has increased several assistance programs during the coronavirus pandemic, proponents say the payments from the Expanded Child Tax Credit, at a cost of about $105 billion for one year, are unique in their ability to stabilize both poor and middle-income families.
“It’s the most transformative policy out of Washington since the Roosevelt days,” said Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey. America is far behind its industrial peers in investing in our children. We have some of the highest rates of child poverty, but even non-poor families are struggling, as the cost of raising children is rising more and more.”
Of the 74 million children in America, nearly nine in 10 will qualify for new monthly payments — up to $250 per child, or $300 for those under six — which are set to begin Thursday. Those payments, most of which will be sent to bank accounts through direct deposit, will total half of the year’s support, with the rest coming as a tax refund next year.
Biden has proposed the four-year extension in a broader package he hopes to pass this fall, and congressional Democrats have pledged to make the program permanent. Much like Biden’s agenda, the program’s fate may depend on whether Democrats can unite around the larger package and push it through an evenly divided Senate.
Unconditional payments – what critics call “luxuries” – break away from a quarter-century of politics. Since President Bill Clinton signed the 1996 “End Welfare” bill, help has gone almost entirely to working parents. Senator Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, recently wrote that the new payments, with “no work required,” would revive a “failed welfare system,” providing “free money” to criminals and addicts.
But compared to previous aid discussions, the opposition is so far silent. Few conservatives support child benefits, which may promote lower birth rates and allow more parents to raise their children full time. Senator Mitt Romney, R-Utah, has proposed a larger child benefit, though he will fund it by cutting other programs.
With Congress demanding that the payments begin just four months after the law was passed, the administration was quick to get the word out and compile the payrolls.
Payments should be made automatically to families who have submitted recent tax returns or received stimulus checks. (Single parents with an income of $112,500 and married couples with an income of $150,000 are eligible for the full benefit.) But analysts say four to eight million low-income children may be missing from the lists, and that campaigns are underway to get their parents to register online.
“Wherever you come across people – perfect strangers – just go ahead and introduce yourself and tell them about the child tax credit,” Vice President Kamala Harris said last month at what the White House called “Children Tax Credit Awareness Day.”
Among the needy, the program stirs up a mixture of excitement, confusion, and disbelief. Fresh EBT, a phone app for people who receive food stamps, found that 90 percent of its users know the benefit, but few understand how it works.
“Half of them say, ‘I’m really, really ready to get it,'” said Stacey Taylor, Head of Policy and Partnerships at Propel, the creator of the app. “The others are a mix of ‘I’m worried I didn’t take the right steps’ or ‘I’m not sure I really think That’s right.”
Few places need more than Providence Lake, Los Angeles, a hamlet along the Mississippi River where nearly three-quarters of children live in poverty, including the children of Tammy Wilson, 50, a helping hand. Unemployed Nursing.
The $750 she should receive a month for three kids would double her monthly income consisting only of food stamps and leave her dependent on her boyfriend. “I think it’s a great idea,” she said. “There are no jobs here.”
Wilson said that while the money will help with rent, the biggest benefit will be the ability to send her children to activities like camps and school trips.
“Kids bully,” she said, “and they talk about them lightly – and they say, ‘You mother has no money.'” They feel it’s their fault.
But in West Monroe, a 90-minute drive away, Levi Sullivan, another low-income parent, called the program wasteful and counterproductive. Mr. Sullivan, a pipeline worker, had been out of work for more than a year but argued that the payments would increase the national debt and offset the slack.
updated
July 12, 2021, 3:12 PM ET
“I am a Christian believer – I rely on God more than I rely on government,” he said.
With four children, Mr. Sullivan, who has unemployment insurance, food stamps and individual jobs, can raise $1,150 a month, but is so skeptical of the program that he went online to defer payments and collect a lump sum a year later. Otherwise, he fears that if he finds a job he may have to return the money.
“Government assistance is a form of slavery,” he said. “Some people need it, but then again, there are some people who all they do is live on the system.”
Progressives have sought a minimum income for children for at least a century. “No one can doubt that a mother who has children to look after them should be given a sufficient benefit,” wrote the economist and future Illinois senator Paul H. Douglas in 1925 as child benefits spread in Europe.
Four decades later, the Ford Foundation sponsored a conference to promote the idea in the United States. The organizer of the meeting, Evelyn M. Burns, lamented the “appalling extent of childhood poverty” but acknowledged strong political opposition to the payments.
As hostility to unconditional cash assistance peaked in the 1990s, multiple forces revived interest in child benefits. Brain science has shown the lasting effect of formative years. The income stagnation has brought concerns about the costs of raising children to the middle class. More recently, ethnic protests have encouraged a broader view of social inequality.
An existing program, the Child Tax Credit, provided a child benefit of up to $2,000 per child. But because it was only available to families with sufficient income, the poorest third of the children failed to qualify fully. By eliminating this income requirement and raising the amount, Democrats temporarily turned the tax break into an income guarantee for children.
Analysts at Columbia University’s Center on Poverty and Social Policy say the new benefits will cut child poverty by 45 percent, a fourfold greater reduction than ever achieved in one year.
“Even if it only happened for a year, that’s a huge problem,” said Irwin Garfinkel, a professor at Columbia School of Social Work. “If it becomes permanent, it will be just as important to the Social Security Act – it’s that big.”
Opponents warn that by helping out-of-work families, the policy reverses decades of success. Child poverty fell to a record low before the pandemic (about 12% in 2019), a drop of more than a third since the 1990s.
“I am surprised that there is no further backsliding from other conservatives,” said Scott Winship of the conservative American Enterprise Institute, who argues that unconditional help can cause long-term harm to the poor by reducing incentive to work and marry.
Getting money for all eligible children can be more difficult than it sounds. Some American children live with unregistered parents who are afraid to seek help. Others may live with relatives in precarious or changing care.
Dozens of groups are trying to promote the program, including Children’s Defense Fund, United Way and Common Sense Media, but several eligible families have already failed to collect stimulus checks, underscoring how difficult it is to get access. The legislation contains little money that could be used for communication, which has left many groups trying to raise private donations to support their efforts.
Reverend Starsky Wilson, president of the Children’s Defense Fund, praised the Biden administration for creating an online registration portal, but cautioned that “we really need to knock on doors.”
Even with difficulty reaching some families, significant reductions in poverty rates have been emphasized, said Jane Sperling, the White House official who oversees the payments.
“While we want to do everything possible to reach any missing children, the most dramatic impact on child poverty will happen automatically,” because the program will reach some 26 million children who are known about their families but who have earned too little to take full advantage of the previous credit. “This would be huge.”
By offering monthly payments, the program seeks to address the income fluctuations that poor families frequently experience. One unknown is how families will spend the money, with critics predicting waste and proponents saying parents know their children’s needs.
When Fresh EBT asked users about their spending plans, the answers differed from those of stimulus checks. “We’ve seen more responses specifically related to children – school clothes, school supplies, toddler bed,” Ms Taylor said. “He tells me that framing interest is important.”
There is evidence for this theory. When Britain renamed the Family Benefit to the Child Benefit in the 1970s and paid mothers instead of fathers, families spent less on tobacco and men’s clothing and more on children’s clothing, pocket money, and toys.
“Labeling something with child benefits frames the way families spend money,” said Jane Waldvogel, an undergraduate professor at Columbia University who has studied the British program.
While the payments will greatly reduce poverty, most recipients are not poor. Jennifer Werner and her husband had a family income of nearly $75,000 before she left her job as a real estate manager in Las Vegas two years ago to take care of her first child. Since then, she has used the savings to extend her time as a stay-at-home mom.
Ms Werner, 45, supports the one-year advantage but wants to see results before deciding whether to continue. “When you have a baby you realize it’s so expensive – diapers, wipes, extra food,” she said. But, she added, “I don’t know where all this money is coming from.”
She hopes the country will be fair to both taxpayers and children whose parents work too hard to pay enough attention. “If the benefit helps parents take care of their children, that would be a great thing,” she said.
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